Monday, March 2, 2009

CISG

INTRODUCTION
Article 7 responds to the fact that a Convention establishing uniform international law performs a unique and difficult function. Paragraph (1) provides that in interpreting the Convention there shall be regard for three closely related principles - (a) the Convention's “in­ternational character”; (b) “the need to promote uniformity in its ap­plication”; (c) “the observance of good faith in international trade”. How to give life to these principles deserves close attention.
Issues concerning inclusion of the principle of good faith in the CISG are explored in our project, in order to determine the nature, scope and meaning of the concept in the application and interpretation of the CISG. Also different interpretative aids ranging from the use of case law, travaux préparatoires and doctrine, to the establishment of institutional structures that may assist in the maintenance of the uniform application of the CISG and act as a hindrance to the development of divergent interpretations are also discussed in our project.
This paper of ours seek to study the role of good faith while interpreting CISG. An effort has been made to understand good faith as issue of interpretation through Article 7 (1) of CISG.


SUBJECT MATTER
Article 7 of the CISG states:
"(1) In the interpretation of this Convention, regard is to be had to its international character and to the need to promote uniformity in its application and the observance of good faith in international trade.
"(2) Questions concerning matters governed by this Convention which are not expressly settled in it are to be settled in conformity with the general principles on which it is based or, in the absence of such principles, in conformity with the law applicable by virtue of the rules of private international law."
Article 7 can be divided into three parts:
(a)                  Paragraph (1), first part, which declares that the "international character of the Convention" and the "need to promote uniformity in its application" are the basic criteria for the interpretation of the Convention;
Ø  The most important one since.
Ø  Not only stresses the character of the Convention and its all-important goal of uniform application, but
Ø  Also describes "the process by which those called upon to apply the Convention to a particular case ascertain the meaning and legal effect to be given to its individual articles."
Ø  In effect, the first part of Article 7(1) is the tool that determines the precise scope of the other two parts of Article 7, as well.[1]
(b)                  Paragraph (1), second part, which establishes the relevance to be given to the "observance of good faith in international trade"; and
Ø  It could be argued that the second part's concern for "good faith" might be used, in the facts of a particular case, to persuade a court to depart from a settled interpretation of the Convention and thus run contrary to uniformity, if only because its meaning and scope are so unclear.
Ø  If such an argument were successful, some discordance could be created between parts (a) and (b) of the above classification.
Ø  The concept of good faith does not stand alone in the CISG; rather it carries the "international trade" qualification that circumscribes its scope in a manner consistent with part (a).

(c)       Paragraph (2), which sets out the mechanism with which gaps in the Convention are to be filled.

Article 7(1) CISG
Paragraph (1) of Article 7 emphasizes that in the interpretation of the CISG, one must pay close attention to three points:
Ø  The "international character" of the CISG;
Ø  "The need to promote uniformity in its application"; and
Ø  "The observance of good faith in international trade."
It is the opinion of many scholars that the first two of these points are not independent of each other but that, in fact, the second "is a logical consequence of the first." The third point is of a rather special nature, and its placement in the main interpretation provision of the CISG has caused a lot of argument as to its precise meaning and scope.

LEGISLATIVE HISTORY OF ARTICLE 7(1) CISG
To read the words of the Convention with regard for their "international character" requires that they be projected against an international back­ground. With time, a body of international experience will develop through international case law and scholarly writing. In the meantime, the only international setting for the Convention's words is its legislative history - its genetic background.
In prepar­ing the Convention, UNCITRAL efforts produced the Hague Conventions of 1964 (ULIS and ULF). The deliberations in UNCITRAL commenced with an analysis of the handling of the problem in the 1964 Conventions. In many instances the Hague solution was retained; the discussions shed light on the common understanding of the Hague solution and the rea­sons for its retention. When the Hague approach was modified or re­jected, the reasons for the change shed a revealing sidelight on the new provision. As the UNCITRAL draft developed, proposals to delete or amend were made and decided; the views that prevailed in making these decisions add depth to the international understandings that underlie the Convention's words.
The documents that embody this legislative history are reproduced (together with materials on other topics) in Volumes I-X of the UNCI­TRAL Yearbooks and in the Official Records of the 1980 Diplomatic Conference. As is common in an extended legislative process, the article numbers of the drafts under discussion kept changing as provisions were added and deleted and as the draft's structure was reorganized.

Domestic Law
In domestic law we face a conflict over the legitimacy of legislative history. In many civil law countries the use of legislative history has long been accepted. Courts in the United States also freely invoke the leg­islative history of domestic statutes and international Conventions.
Other legal systems following judicial patterns established in England have traditionally disavowed the use of such ma­terials in statutory contraction. The rule is that the meaning of legislation must be deduced solely from the words of the statue. However, the "plain mean­ing" rule has not been applied with the rigor that the traditional formulae might suggest. English courts have long interpreted legislation in the light of "the defect or evil" which the statute was intended to remedy, and have considered reports of special commissions to identify the purpose of legislation that resulted from the commissions' work. And a growing body of opinion holds that the "plain meaning" doctrine stultifies the handling of statutory material and should be modified or abandoned.
Domestic Australian and EU law contains attempts to interpret good faith. Commentators have labored in the past to find a difference between civil law and common law countries in the treatment of good faith. Certainly there was in the past quite a gap between the perception of what good faith means in the two "camps". Also much has been written by referring to traveaux préparatoires. The fact is that all these comments have historical value. In other words, they are far too dated to have any significance in the current debate of what good faith means. This does not indicate that past experiences should not be studied. Their value is to point out past differences and show errors, which ought to be avoided. It should not be said from scholars of the CISG that the only thing they learn from history is to perfect their mistakes.
Since Justice Priestly opened the debate properly in Renard Constructions, in Australia much has changed. Canadian literature also indicates that it changed its perception of good faith. As pointed out above, civil law and common law perceptions and applications of good faith are not "a gulf" apart; the gap has narrowed considerably. In Europe the difference will certainly narrow further with the introduction of PECL. For that purpose it is of no value to look back too far into history, specially, as history in this aspect is outdated and of no current practical value.
For this reason, it can be argued that the domestic and trade block approaches to the examination of good faith could be used to determine the meaning of good faith within the CISG. To take this path one has to be acutely aware not to fall into the trap of transplanting principles from domestic law into the CISG. The discussion of article 7 clearly indicated that there is no such a mandate. Many scholars and judges alike have expressed such views. As an example, Meagher J.A. noted that:
"The interpretation of a particular phrase used in municipal law and the change over the years in that interpretation cannot guide the interpretation of the same phrase that might appear in an international agreement."[2]
However, it is permissible to duplicate an approach to interpretation, which helps to explain the principle within the Convention. In other words and by analogy with sociology, we are looking at the socialization process and not the outcome or product of socialization. A process can be duplicated like the production of bricks but the outcome of putting bricks together; that is, the finished house -- or the concept in our case -- can vary enormously depending on the culture of the society and cannot be duplicated. In our case, it is the mandate of international uniformity, which will determine the outcome. For the above reasons the discussion is twofold, firstly, good faith is examined as a state of mind and secondly, good faith is looked at as principle found in various articles.
The problem is how would we find out if the CISG was not interpreted in good faith? An answer would be that the CISG is not applied correctly. But such an outcome could equally well be the result of ignorance or mistake of any kind. The only conclusion we can draw is that interpretation of the CISG in good faith could minimize errors, but in the end we are still dealing with a state of mind and therefore we cannot identify real measurable outcomes. The application of good faith after all demands a "holistic approach." Such a view is strengthened if we by analogy look at history. Historians believe that information in letters and chronicles mainly describes items, which are new or newsworthy. People seldom report facts, which are either known by the other party or are universally known. It can therefore be argued that good faith is the state of mind, which is expected to pre-exist by all those interpreting the CISG. Only if the balanced state of affairs, that is, the presence of good faith is disturbed, is there a need to comment and explicitly apply article 7(1). When bad faith is exhibited, we know that good faith is not applied. There is an ever-increasing jurisprudence developing to prove the above point. An important case, which needs to be quoted, is SARL Bri Production "Bonaventure" v. Societe Pan African Export.[3] It was specified that jeans were to be sent to South America and Africa. The purchaser, however, despite assurances to the contrary, sent the jeans to Spain. The plaintiff claimed 10,000 francs as compensation for abuse of process. The court agreed with the plaintiff's position and found that the buyer acted contrary to the principles of good faith in international trade pursuant to article 7(1). This is a very interesting position. On the one hand, the court applied article 7(1) to the relations between parties and it also used the principle of good faith as a tool to levy, in essence, a fine. In my view, the principle of good faith cannot be used in such a way, especially as the court also awarded damages of a further 10,000 francs under article 700 of the French code of civil procedure. No direct penalties or remedies flow from the principle of good faith, as applicable to the Convention as a whole. The same applies to the parties. If a party fails to exhibit good faith and is not in direct breach of any other articles within the Convention, the CISG through article 7(1) does not allow the court "to manufacture" remedies or principles as shown in Bonaventure where the court awarded 10,000 francs damages. The Australian Trade Practices Act in s 52 also applies a similar mandate in stating that a corporation shall not engage in conduct that is misleading or deceptive. Fox J.[4] states that [s 52] "does not purport to create liability at all; rather it establishes a norm of conduct." However, unlike the CISG, the Trade Practices Act introduced consequences for failure to observe s 52 "elsewhere in the same statute, or under general law."[5] As the CISG does not provide for failure to observe article 7 and hence creates a gap, the courts are free to apply domestic law as shown again in Bonaventure where the court applied French domestic law to compensate the plaintiff for abuse of process.

The Fothergill Case
In the 1980 House of Lords decision in Foihergill v. Monarch Airlines[6] an Act of Parliament, which gave effect to the Warsaw Convention on the liability of air carriers, was interpreted. Under that Convention, notice must be given within seven days of "damage" but no notice need be given as to "loss" with respect to baggage. A passenger failed to give this notice of the loss of part of the contents of a bag. Kerr, J., and the Court of Appeal rejected the airline's contention that the notice requirement applied to this claim. The House of Lords reversed. All five opinions conceded that "damage" would not normally refer to loss of part of the contents of baggage, but ruled that in this setting the word should be given a wider meaning. In reaching this conclusion, all of the opinions examined basic questions concerning the interpretation of statutes that implement international conventions; four of the five opinions concluded that consideration should be given to travaux preparatoires, and also to foreign case law and scholarly writing interpreting the Convention.
These opinions stressed that they could not lay down rules to govern all future problems. One question that may still be subject to further de­velopment is this: What materials may a court consider in deciding whether the language of a convention is ambiguous? In any event, it seems clear from the decision that in construing a convention, like the 1980 Sales Convention, that is finalized in several languages, the ques­tion of "clear meaning" would not be determined solely from the English text. In addition, a majority of the opinions drew attention to the rules on interpretation in the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties (1969)."
Under Article 31 of the 1969 Vienna Convention:
A treaty shall be interpreted in good faith in accordance with the or­dinary meaning to be given to the terms of the treaty in their context and in the light of its object and purpose.
Article 32 adds:
Recourse may be had to supplementary means of interpretation including the preparatory work of the treaty and the circumstances of its conclusion, in order to con­firm the meaning resulting from the application of article 31, or to determine the mean­ing when the interpretation according to article 31: (a) leaves the meaning ambiguous or obscure; or (b) leads to a result which is manifestly absurd or unreasonable.
Under Article 32, supplementary aids, including travaux preparatoires, may be used when the terms of the treaty are "ambiguous or obscure" or when the language "leads to a result which is manifestly absurd or un­reasonable" and also "to confirm" the meaning derived from the terms of the treaty. The opinions of Lords Diplock and Scarman indicated that, apart from the rules of the Vienna Treaty, interpretative aids could be used when there was a conflict between the literal meaning of the words and the purpose of the Convention.
In the Fothergill case, as per Lord Scarman on interpretation of a Convention to unify private law:
“Rules contained in an international convention are the outcome of an international conference; if…they operate within the field of private law, they will come under the consideration of foreign courts; and uniformity is the purpose to be served by most international conventions… It follows that our judges should be able to have recourse to the same aids to interpretation as their brother judges in the other contracting states…To deny them this assistance would be a damaging blow to the unification of the rules which was the object of signing and then enacting the Convention…”
The Problem of Diverse Connotations of Legal Terms
Unlike terms used in physical sciences, legal terms are shaped by diverse historical, economic and cultural conditions, and include concepts that have similar names but different meanings - des faux amis[7]. So it becomes necessary in international drafts to avoid abstract, disembod­ied concepts. The ideal is to use plain language that refers to things and events for which there are words of common content in the various languages. But this ideal is difficult to realize, and the principles of interpretation in Article 7(1) run counter to reflexes that have been deeply implanted by our education and professional life - the reading of a legal text in the light of the concepts of our domestic legal system, an approach that would violate the requirement that the Convention be interpreted with regard "to its international character."

Evolution of the "Good Faith" Provision
Paragraph (1) of Article 7 concludes with the statement that in inter­preting the Convention there shall be regard for promoting "the obser­vance of good faith in international trade" - a point that did not appear in the rules on interpretation of the other UNCITRAL Conventions. At a late stage in the preparation of the Sales Convention this language was adopted as a compromise between two divergent views: (a) Some dele­gates supported a general rule that, at least in the formation of the contract, the parties must observe principles of "fair dealing" and must act in "good faith"; (b) Others resisted this step on the ground that "fair dealing" and "good faith" had no fixed meaning and would lead to uncertainty.
The first important step towards a "good faith" provision was taken by the Working Group in preparing a separate Draft Convention on Forma­tion of the Contract. Article 5 of the Draft included the following: "In the course of the formation of the contract the parties must observe the prin­ciples of fair dealing and act in good faith." In 1978 the Commission, in its final review of the draft Convention, decided that a "good faith" pro­vision should not be confined to formation of the contract; at the same time, the Commission decided that an obligation of "good faith" should not be imposed loosely and at large, but should be restricted to a princi­ple for interpreting the provisions of the Convention. This compromise was generally accepted and was embodied in the concluding words of Article 7(l).
As we have just seen, the Convention rejects "good faith" as a general requirement and uses "good faith" solely as a principle for interpreting the provisions of the Convention. What content should be given to "good faith" as an aid to interpretation? The Convention's goal "to promote uni­formity" should bar the use of purely local definitions and concepts in construing the international text. But this objection does not apply to "good faith" principles that reflect a consensus -- a "common core" of meaning - in domestic law. One may hope that the scholarship in this area will be developed further with special reference to the application of "good faith" principles to issues that arise in inter­national trade.[8]

Historical approaches to good faith
Various commentators have suggested that there are four possible approaches to the role of good faith.
Ø  Firstly, it is used to only interpret the CISG;
Ø  Secondly, that the conduct of the contracting parties is governed by good faith;
Ø  Thirdly, that good faith is a general principle of the CISG;
Ø  And fourthly, that good faith is a general principle of lex mercantoria and of the UNIDROIT Principles of International Commercial Contracts.[9]
The first comment is that good faith may well be a general principle of the UNIDROIT Principles and even of lex mercantoria, but to use principles, which are not tied within the Four Corners of the CISG, would do violence to its mandate. Such an approach must be rejected on the same grounds one would reject the argument that domestic principles, which are similar to the ones found in the CISG, or track the CISG, are to be used in its interpretation. The homeward trend has been condemned and rejected by scholars and judges alike.
The second comment would be that the three remaining points are not logical extensions of article 7(1). If article 7(1) had provided a tool by which the CISG is interpreted, such a tool would need to be a general principle. A provision is what it says, a singular point within a legislation. It is only repeated if another provision repeats the same message. In order for a concept to apply to all provisions and articles, it has to be a principle. If it is a principle it not only applies to the interpretation of all articles but it also indirectly will affect the conduct of parties. It can therefore be suggested that there are really only two approaches to an understanding of the role of good faith. Firstly, it is a principle to be used to interpret the Convention as a whole, which is a principle expressed as a state of mind. Some articles specifically refer to the general principle of good faith and therefore good faith is linked directly to specific situations and for that reason, the second approach is that good faith must be viewed as a principle with specific situations in mind.
(i) A principle expressed as a state of mind
Good faith, as discussed above, covers the application of the Convention as well as the parties' rights and obligations. In simple terms, it is a "general duty" based on judicial interpretation of community standards, reasonableness and fair play. PECL[10] in its official comments also views good faith as a community standard of fairness and reasonableness. It must be stressed that good faith as indicated is a general duty and not a duty based on morality. It would be presumptuous to suggest that article 7(1) is based on morality. Such a concept would never lend itself to become a uniform concept, as morality is a social duty based on cultural norms. International law and, in particular, good faith must be a concept capable of treading a middle ground, that is acceptable to all and for that reason its definition must be a general rather than specific duty.
So far the discussion only centered on the application of good faith, that is, when and where it is to be applied. What has not been done is to attempt what good faith actually means within the context of the CISG. A brief examination of domestic law and its treatment of good faith opened a small window of understanding. Most importantly, it showed two things; namely, that there is no universally accepted definition of good faith and that each country treats the principle of good faith differently. One fact emerges clearly, namely, that domestic interpretation and definitions of good faith cannot be transplanted into the CISG as explained in Dulces Luisi.
There is no controversy in stating that article 7(1) urge the judiciary and the parties to the contract to observe good faith in international trade. An argument can be mounted that the treatment of good faith as expressed by scholars pursuant to article 7 shows some similarities with domestic law.
The mandate of article 7(1) is to interpret the Convention in good faith. In my view, it refers to the state of mind of those interpreting the Convention. The natural or normal state of mind when interpreting the Convention is with good faith. It can be argued that there is no need to refer in the jurisprudence to article 7(1) as this article is applied to every case at hand in the "normal course" of interpreting the CISG.
(ii) As a principle in prescribed situations
So far we have shown that good faith is a state of mind to be applied to the Convention as a whole as well as to the behavior of contractual parties. Article 7(1) however embodies another concept. Good faith is not only applicable to the interpretation of the Convention, it is also a principle contained in several articles. The comments of the Secretariat indicate that "among the manifestations of the requirement of the observance of good faith are the rules contained in [several] articles."[11] If there is a breach of these articles the court is required to invoke the principle of good faith. However, in these circumstances we are not dealing with a general concept but with specific circumstances. The court therefore is excused from debating what good faith actually means. Good faith has lost its abstract definition by taking on "substance from the particular event that takes place and to which it is applied." There are several articles, which contain good faith as a principle and only some will be discussed to illustrate the above point.

THE OBSERVANCE OF GOOD FAITH IN INTERNATIONAL TRADE
According to the third element of Article 7(1), in interpreting the provisions of the Convention one must have regard to the need of promoting the "observance of good faith in international trade." The legislative history of the provision shows that the final inclusion of the good faith principle represented a compromise solution between those delegates to the Vienna Convention who supported its inclusion stating that, at least in the formation of the contract, the parties should observe the principles of "fair dealing" and act in "good faith;" and those who were opposed to any explicit reference to the principle in the Convention, on the ground that it had no fixed meaning and would lead to uncertainty and non-conformity.
The concept of good faith and its scope and function in different legal systems was discussed earlier. There are, however, some issues concerning the final inclusion of the principle of good faith in the CISG that need to be explored further, in order to determine the nature, scope, and meaning of this much-debated principle in the application and interpretation of the CISG.
(a) "Good faith" as a mere instrument of interpretation
The placement of the good faith principle in the context of an operative provision dealing with the interpretation of the CISG creates uncertainties as to the principle's exact nature, scope, and function within the CISG. Scholarly opinion on the issue is divided. Some commentators insist on the literal meaning of the provision and conclude that the principle of good faith is nothing more than an additional criterion to be used by judges and arbitrators in the interpretation of the CISG. Under this approach, good faith is merely a tool of interpretation at the disposal of the judges to neutralize the danger of reaching inequitable results.
Even if included in the CISG as a mere instrument of interpretation, good faith can pose problems in achieving the ultimate goal of the CISG - uniformity in its application - because the concept of good faith has not only different meanings between different legal systems but also multiple connotations within legal systems. Consequently, it will be difficult for a uniform definition of the concept to be developed. This can lead to differing interpretations of the CISG.
(b) "Good faith" in the relations between the parties”
There is academic opinion favoring a broader interpretation of the reference to good faith as contained in Article 7(1), pointing out that the duty to observe "good faith in international trade is also necessarily directed to the parties to each individual contract of sale." The main theoretical difficulty with this suggestion is that, in effect, it implies that the interpreters of the CISG are not only the judges, or arbitrators, but the contracting parties as well. This point is controversial and there are practical and theoretical objections to it. If Article 7 is addressed to the parties, then they might exclude that provision under Article 6. This would be an unwelcome result because, in practice, this would hinder the uniformity of interpretation. The theoretical objection is that the statement seems to obliterate the distinction between interpretation by the court and performance of the contract by the parties. One of the main practical objections to the inclusion in the CISG of a provision imposing on the parties a general obligation to act in good faith was that this concept was too vague and would inevitably lead to divergent interpretations of the CISG by national courts.
The principle of good faith operates differently within different national legal systems. For example, in the United States its relevance is formally limited to performance and enforcement of the contract. On the other hand, in most of the civil law systems, as well as in socialist systems, the principle of good faith is not limited to performance but also extends to the formation and interpretation of contracts. Moreover, even between civil law systems the specific application of the principle of good faith in practice may differ considerably.
It is further suggested that compelling specific performance, or avoiding a contract after a market change that permits a party to speculate at the other's expense, "may well be inconsistent with the Conventions provisions governing these remedies, when they are construed in the light of good faith."
Further support for the argument that the relevance of the principle of good faith is not limited to the interpretation of the CISG is offered by the observation that there can be found within the CISG a number of provisions which constitute a particular application of the principle of good faith, thus confirming that good faith is also one of the "general principles" underlying the CISG as a whole, for purposes of gap-filling (as per Article 7(2)). A distinction must, however, be drawn between good faith in the interpretation of the CISG (Art. 7(1)) and good faith as a general principle upon which the CISG is based. The argument in favor of extending the scope of good faith to the behaviour of the parties and attributing to it the quality of a "general principle" of the CISG runs the risk of being driven to the conclusion that, as such, the principle of good faith in Article 7(2) may even impose on the parties "additional obligations of a positive character."
(c) Arguments against the imposition on the parties of a positive duty of good faith imposing further obligations of a positive character on the parties
The possibility of imposing additional obligations on the parties is clearly not supported by the legislative history of the CISG. Article 7(1), as it now stands in the CISG' s text, is the result of a drafting compromise between two diverging views, which reflects the political and diplomatic maneuvering necessary for the creation of an international Convention. It cannot now be given the meaning originally suggested by those advocating the imposition of a positive duty of good faith on the parties, as this would be reversing the intent of the compromise. On the other hand, this does not mean that the opposite view (i.e., that good faith represents merely an instrument of interpretation) should be adopted instead. This interpretation would unnecessarily deny the value of good faith and its potential function within the CISG.
It is part of the present writer's thesis that what is needed is a balanced approach to the doctrine of good faith, so that it is neither condemned to do too little nor allowed to do too much. The parties' behaviour must be measured on a standard of good faith, limited by the Convention's scope of application ratione materiae. Good faith, like all the other terms in the CISG, must be approached afresh and be given a new definition which will describe its scope and meaning within the CISG, separate from the peculiar loads that it carries in different, and often within, legal systems. It may take some time for the principle of good faith to be developed naturally and to crystallize in the case law, in the spirit of continuing deliberation and discourse that characterizes the community of the CISG members.
(d) The "international trade" qualification to the principle of "good faith"
Attention must be paid to the functional value of the qualification to the "observance of good faith," made by the additional words "in international trade," as inserted in Article 7(1). There are two points that can be made about the reference to "good faith in international trade".
The first point is that the principle of good faith may not be applied according to the standards ordinarily adopted within the different national systems. This point can be illustrated by the following example. Under German law, when a party to a sales contract becomes the recipient of a written communication, claiming to constitute a simple confirmation of the prior oral agreement between the parties to the contract, but in fact containing additional or different terms, the recipient is under a duty to immediately object to these terms if he does not want to be bound by them. In other legal systems such a rule is, however, either entirely unknown, or limited to the case in which the additional or different terms do not materially alter the content of the earlier agreement. Therefore, it is not very likely that such a rule could be applied to a contract of sale governed by the CISG.
The second point is that the principle of good faith as expressed in the CISG must be construed in light of the special conditions and requirements of international trade. There are two things to be said on this second point.
Firstly, the CISG specifically governs commercial contracts only and all consumer transactions are expressly placed outside the ambit of its operation. Even domestic laws generally make a distinction in the application of the principle of good faith in commercial contracts (contracts between merchants) compared to consumer transactions. Rules applicable to consumer transactions, intended to protect the economically weaker or inexperienced party, are for the most part excluded when both parties contract in their professional capacity. And, in the case of a transaction between merchants, the general obligation to act in good faith is often understood in the sense of imposing special standards, such as "the observance of reasonable commercial standards of fair dealing."

Secondly, there is a further distinction that needs to be made; the Convention deals only with international commercial transactions. The significance of this point lies in the fact that substantial differences exist between commercial transactions of a purely domestic nature and transactions concluded at an international level.
This statement may well be too sweeping, and it runs the risk of oversimplifying the differences between national and international trade. It attempts to establish that the distinction generally made within domestic laws between consumer transactions and contracts of a commercial nature can be used in order to determine the precise meaning of "good faith in international trade." This implies that the interpretation of the CISG could be used to protect the weaker party. It is doubtful that this would work at the international level. Although it is generally accepted that differences in the bargaining power of parties to an international contract exist, and that these differences are usually related to the parties' role in the contract (i.e., importing, or exporting) and to their technological sophistication and/or economic environment (i.e., coming from industrialized, or developing countries), to equate such an international commercial relationship to a domestic consumer transaction may be stretching any comparative value of such an analogy beyond its legitimate limits. In contractual relations between industrialized and developing countries, it may not always be the party from the developing country who is the weaker party. Further, it is not easy to identify the interest of all developing countries unequivocally, because they do not constitute an undifferentiated mass of countries with the same economic interest. Therefore, without completely discounting the generic imbalance that frequently exists between developed and developing countries, problems arising out of the unification of international sales law and affecting developing, or third world, countries cannot always be determined in advance.
A further element that discounts the value of such an analogy is the diversity exhibited in the standards of business in different parts of the world. As has been correctly remarked, this lack of uniformity in the domestic or regional standards of business around the world entails that "a particular line of conduct, which may reasonably be expected from merchants operating in the same country or region, could hardly be imposed on a party belonging to a country with a different economic and social structure."
It is arguable that though there may be some value in the comparative use of the distinction made within domestic laws between commercial and consumer transactions, in an effort to determine the precise meaning of "good faith in international trade," such an analogy has inherent limitations that should not be forgotten, or underestimated. International trade is characterized by intense competition and arm's length dealings and it is in that context that the Convention operates and must be interpreted. Observance of good faith in international trade should not be equated with the establishment of material justice between the parties. Rather, it should imply the "observance of such a conduct as is normal among [international] tradesmen." It is part of the present writer's thesis that the reference in Article 7(1) to the "observance of good faith in international trade" carries only descriptive and not normative value. It is addressed to the interpretation of the CISG' s provisions and seeks to describe good faith in international trade as it is used, rather than state what it should be. It is not (and cannot) be concerned with establishing a norm regarded as a standard of correctness in international trade for the reasons discussed in preceding sections of this thesis.
Further indications as to the precise meaning of the third part of Article 7(1) may be found within the CISG itself. The wording of the CISG Preamble, which expressly states that, provides one such reference
"… the development of international trade on the basis of equality and mutual benefit is an important element in promoting friendly relations among States …"
and that
"… the adoption of uniform rules which ... take into account the different social, economic and legal systems would contribute to the removal of legal barriers in international trade and promote the development of international trade …"
It is the view of the present writer that this reference reinforces the point made above. The observance of good faith in international trade is delineated by the parameters of international commercial transactions. Thus, the principle of good faith may not be applied according to the standards ordinarily adopted within the different national systems and must be construed in light of the special conditions and requirements of international trade. The reference to "equality" should not be equated with the imposition of positive duties upon the parties, as this would be incompatible with the quintessential nature of commercial transactions and the legislative history of the CISG. Rather, it implies the observance of such a conduct as is acceptable among international tradesmen contracting freely with each other.

CONCLUSION
The legislative history of Article 7(1) provides an insightful look at the provision's drafting and reveals some of the compromises made in producing its text. The creation and adoption of the CISG are only the preliminary steps towards uniformity in international sales law. It is the interpretation and the uniform application of the uniform law that will complete the process. It is at these latter stages that the success, or failure, of the unifying effort can be judged. The main issues that arise in relation to Article 7(1) are CISG's international character, the need to promote uniformity in the CISG's application and the observance of good faith in international trade; in order to help understand the structure, scope and function of the article.
An autonomous interpretation of the CISG is not simply a consequence of the international characterization of the CISG but that it is also necessary for uniformity in the CISG's application to be achieved. This is because the elements of "internationality" and "uniformity" are not only inter-related, but inter-dependent as well. It is further argued that, in interpreting the CISG, the rules and techniques traditionally followed in interpreting ordinary domestic legislation should be avoided and that Article 7 represents an implied provision in the body of the law for the undertaking of a liberal approach to the Convention's interpretation.
The ultimate aim of the CISG is to achieve the broadest degree of uniformity in the law for international sale transactions cannot be achieved properly if national principles or concepts taken from the law of the forum, or from the law which in the absence of the Convention would have been applicable according to the rules of private international law are used in the interpretation of the CISG. The "nationalization" of the uniform rules would deprive the instrument of its unifying effect.
Whether to endorse the literal meaning of the provision and conclude that the principle of good faith is vague and nothing more than a tool of interpretation, or to adopt a broader interpretation of good faith, stating that the duty to observe good faith is also directed to the conduct of the parties was examined in our project. The broad, liberal approach is preferable, with the important qualification that the principle should not be stretched to impose on the parties additional obligations of a positive character.
It is argued that as a matter of principle, common sense and effectiveness, courts should at least consider the jurisprudence developed by foreign courts applying the CISG. Such deference would require certain concessions to be made in legal technique and attitude by both common and civil law jurisdictions and the establishment of a relaxed system of precedent, whereas resorting to private international law should be avoided. Recent developments in the case law have provided some optimism that the activity around the CISG is focused towards the right direction.





BIBLIOGRAPHY
Ø  Indira Carr & Prof. Richard Kidner, Statutes and Conventions on International Trade Law, 3rd ed., Cavendish Publishing Ltd, London, 1999.
Ø  William J.H. Wiggers, International Commercial Law Source Materials, Kluwer Law International, 2002.
Ø  John O. Honnold, Uniform Law and International Sales, 3rd ed., Kluwer Law International.
Ø  www.cisg.law.pace.edu/cisg/text/e-text-07.html



[1] For instance, it may control the operation of Article 7(2) since the interpretation of a given provision is vital in determining whether that provision may be applied by analogy, or whether a true gap exists in CISG's provisions.
[2] Kotsambasis v Singapore Airlines Ltd Matter No CA 40154/96 (13 August 1997) [http://austlii.edu.au] last update 27 February 1998
[3] Court d'appel Grenoble 22 February 1995 [http://cisgw3.law.pace.edu/cases/950222f1.html]
[4] Brown v Jam Factory Pry Ltd (1981) 53 FLR 340 at 348
[5] Ibid
[6] [1980] 2 All E. R. 696 (H. L.): [1980] 3 W. L. R. 209
[7] Words in two different languages which have a great similarity of form but from which the significances are different
[8] book
[9] Keily, T., "Good Faith and the Vienna Convention on Contracts for the International Sale of Goods (CISG)" [http://cisg.law.pace.edu./cisg/biblio/keily.html]
[11] Guide to CISG Article 7, Secretariat Commentary [http://www.cisg.law.pace.edu] last update 2 September 1998

Monday, December 1, 2008

Waste Managment

Introduction
E-waste or Waste from Electronic and Electrical Equipment (WEEE) is no longer a subject for academic discussions at environmental forums. Instead, there is a growing realization that the issue may assume dangerous proportions over the next few years if it continues to be left unaddressed. Disturbingly, the communities that are affected by the toxics in e-waste need not necessarily be those that are creating the waste. The large-scale unethical export of e-waste by industrialized nations to developing countries such as India, China and Pakistan is shifting the onus of development to communities that are ill-equipped to deal with such waste. In absence of stricter waste management regulations in developed countries, the lesser developed become the dump yard of the goods discarded by the former.

The subject has also attained the focus of the International Community, though more in principle as in 1992 the World Community formulated the Basel Convention on Transboundary movement of Hazardous wastes. The paper is an endeavour to throw light upon the grey shades of the Technological development and seeks to assimilate all the relevant information on the subject.




















What is E-waste?
The expression E-waste is an all inclusive category which means all discarded or obsolete electronic products emerging as a result of the rapid development in the field of electronics. It includes obsolete Computers, Mobile Phones, Refrigerators, Air Conditioners, Washing Machines and all similar products. A major contribution to the garbage is from the IT sector and the imports of cheaper obsolete junk form developed countries like USA and Canada.

Immoral Export of Pollution
Industrialized countries produce nearly 80% of the 400 million tones generated annually in the world, and they export 10% of that proportion, for the most part to underdeveloped countries in dire economic straits. Exporting this waste to less developed countries has been one way in which the industrialized world has avoided having to deal with the problem of expensive disposal and close public scrutiny at home. For years, Latin America -and in particular southern countries like Paraguay or Argentina- was used by industrialized countries as a garbage dump. Countries like India and China are the recent junkyards for the disposal of the hazardous Electronic waste.

E-Waste:  Recycle OR Dispose
At macro-level, there are two ways to handle the E-Wastes: Dispose or Recycle/Refurbish.

Disposal
Parts of, Microprocessor, Computer chip, monitor, circuit board, molded plastics make-up that gleam, attractive i-mac/think pad/ PC. At atomic level, the array of chemical constituents that make-up the computers are the trail of: lead & cadmium, barium, PCBs etc; De-facto horror is, they all release highly toxic dioxins & furans under unfavorable conditions. Land filling is the state-of-art to manage with e-wastes and Landfill in real sense, is a PPB (Poisonous Pandora's Box). Landfills - underground facility, where all the x,y,z wastes produced on planet are dumped and sealing it up in an engineered way, that it doesn’t seep through air or ground. It's just like: collecting all the bloodiest-poisonest-devilish anacondas from Amazon and seal it up in an 'engineered' hood. It's easier to visualize the consequence if any delicate damage happens to the seal. There are hundreds of 'abandoned' landfills, upon which now the slender-tall buildings crops up, due to the real-estate boom. The under-ground scenario is, permeation of leached wastes contaminates the ground water. Now, the e-fact is, consumer electronics constitute 40 percent of the lead found in landfills. This lead is treacherous that even if we burn, stomp, or bury it - it will sustain its life cycle.

Recycling
Specialized electronic recyclers strip-off essential re-usable components and incinerate the left-overs in smelters. However, the end product is a metal stream that is worth money based on the composition of the metals. It's got a lot of steel, aluminum and copper. The scrapped chunks could be re-used, but it’s the least preferred, since the "cost" of recycling -- is not free, either the Producer should inflate the cost of greener- product or the Govt. should provide subsidiaries for it. That's not a commercial equation which could be marketed since it’s not a producer's responsibility to give ultra-green products at a marketable cost. Added to that, due to regulations and pollution laws, it's often cheaper to export the scrap to [Third world/needy] countries where such laws, if they exist at all, are more lax than those in Canada and the United States. There are a lot of countries that make a huge business in the processing, recycling, smelting and disassembly of electronics, and pathetically it is done in an environmentally unfriendly manner.









HEALTH HAZARDS OF E-WASTES
The health impacts of the mixtures and material combinations in the products often are not known. The production of semiconductors, printed circuit boards, disk drives and monitors uses particularly hazardous chemicals, and workers involved in chip manufacturing are now beginning to come forward and reporting cancer clusters. In addition, new evidence is emerging that computer recyclers have high levels of dangerous chemicals in their blood. Health impact of some of the to some e-toxics found in computers
Lead
Lead can cause damage to the central and peripheral nervous systems, blood system and kidneys in humans. Effects on the endocrine system have also been observed and its serious negative effects on children’s brain development has been well documented. Lead accumulates in the environment and has high acute and chronic toxic effects on plants, animals and microorganisms.[1]
 Cadmium
            Cadmium compounds are classified as toxic with a possible risk of irreversible effects on human health. Cadmium and cadmium compounds accumulate in the human body, in particular in kidneys. Cadmium is adsorbed through respiration but is also taken up with food. Due to the long half-life (30 years), cadmium can easily be accumulated in amounts that cause symptoms of poisoning. Cadmium shows a danger of cumulative effects in the environment due to its acute and chronic toxicity.[2]
Mercury
            When inorganic mercury spreads out in the water, it is transformed to methylated mercury in the bottom sediments. Methylated mercury easily accumulates in living organisms and concentrates through the food chain particularly via fish. Methylated mercury causes chronic damage to the brain.
In the slum neighbourhood of Seelampur, a doctor presses his stethoscope to the chest of a skinny, middle-aged labourer. He says the man has shown ‘‘classic’’ problems — bleeding from the throat and breathlessness. The number of such patients at his clinic has grown rapidly, it’s because of the burning wires.’’
The wires are part of a toxic tide of computer waste in communities like Seelampur, where it is picked clean for useful minerals or reusable parts and then discarded. Doctors say such work is blackening the lungs of the poor.
A recent study by the Chittaranjan National Cancer Institute, Kolkata, found that people in Delhi are about twice as likely to suffer from lung ailments as those in the countryside. While traffic pollution is the main cause, doctors say the smelting electronic parts at factories on the city’s edges should not be discounted.

THE BASEL CONVENTION
In 1989 the world community established the Basel Convention on the Transboundary Movement of Hazardous Waste for Final Disposal to stop the industrialized nations of the OECD from dumping their waste on less developed countries. Wastes are substances or objects which are disposed of or are intended to be disposed of or are required to be disposed of by the provisions of national law 5 May 1992. The Basel Convention is the first and foremost global legal instrument regulating the trans-boundary movement of hazardous wastes and their disposal. Currently 165 states and the European Community are Parties to the Convention.

Objectives of the Basel Convention
The convention focuses on Environmentally Sound Management i.e. “Taking all practicable steps to ensure that hazardous wastes or other wastes are managed in a manner which will protect human health and the environment against the adverse effects which may result from such wastes”

ESM includes minimizing the generation of such wastes; reducing transboundary movements, improving treatment and disposal, and ensuring such wastes are handled as close as possible to where they were generated.
In 1994 parties to the Basel Convention, now over 60 countries, agreed to an immediate ban on exports of hazardous waste destined for final disposal in non-OECD countries. Seventy-seven non-OECD countries, and China, pushed heavily for a ban on the shipping of waste for recycling. As a result, the Basel Ban was adopted, promising an end to the export of hazardous waste from rich OECD countries to poor non-OECD countries for recovery operations by December 31st 1997.

The USA has declined to participate and has lobbied Governments in Asia to establish bilateral trade agreements to continue dumping their hazardous waste after the Basel Ban came into effect on January 1st 1998. The amount of computer scrap exported from the USA will continue to grow as product obsolescence increases.

Some relevant excerpts from the treaty are: -

·         ANNEX VIII wastes - hazardous
A1180: “Waste electrical and electronic assemblies or scrap containing components such as accumulators and other batteries … mercury switches, glass from cathode ray tubes and other activated glass and PCB-capacitors, or contaminated with Annex I constituents (eg cadmium, mercury, lead, PCBs) "

·         ANNEX IX wastes - covered by the Convention if they contain Annex I constituents and exhibit Annex III hazardous characteristics
B1110: "Electrical and electronic assemblies (including printed circuit boards, electronic components and wires) destined for reuse  ...”









The other side of the Coin
But in truth, halting the trade in waste between industrialized and developing countries will do more harm to people. Indeed, the Basel convention was never even necessary. It was a response by the international community to a few misrepresented claims of exports of hazardous waste to developing countries, against which laws already existed. The treaty was agreed upon in 1989 and came into force in 1992. Subsequently, 62 parties approved the Basel Ban Amendment -- not yet in force -- which prohibits the trade in hazardous waste between industrialized and developing countries. In this way, the Basel treaty illustrates an evolving conflict where trade sanctions are used to enforce Western labor and environment standards, undermining the move toward transparent, non-discriminatory rules through the World Trade Organization.

The real effect of the Basel ban may be to slow down development in poor countries. By driving the waste trade underground, it will harm the livelihood of the poor. In India, lead metal recycling already has been driven underground -- increasing the costs of enforcing existing regulations and slowing the improvement of health and safety standards.

To become law, the Basel ban requires only 42 ratifications -- less than 30% of the number of parties to the treaty. Expect to see political maneuverings that undermine the accepted practices of multilateral forums. With environmental treaties, it is common that aid-dependent nations such as those in Africa become pawns in the game, enticed with money to sign and ratify treaties. Along with the EU, countries like Rwanda often are among the first to sign and ratify such treaties.

Furthermore, the ban illustrates the disproportionate influence that non-governmental and industry organizations wield over treaties, allowing them to significantly affect the economies of developing countries. These groups have little accountability either to governments or the people for whom they claim to speak. Captured by these vested interests, the Basel ban's proponents distract attention from a broader agenda of promoting better labor and environmental conditions. They assume a moral high ground on environment and health. Measures enacted under this ban will have significant and adverse effects on people and the environment in many poor countries, prolonging the poverty of those who desperately need development. Dump the Basel ban. 

Failure of Basel Convention
Initially the Convention -in force as of May 5, 1992- was criticized by environmental groups because it failed to effectively ban toxic waste exports to poor countries, succeeding only in excluding Antarctica as a destination for such waste. In 1995, however, and as a result of  pressure exerted by several countries and environmental groups, an amendment to the Convention was introduced, prohibiting all exports of contaminating material. This ban will only enter into force when the amendment is ratified by 62 of the countries party to the Convention (as of May 2003, 36 countries had already done so). In any event, the scope of the Convention is severely limited by the fact that the United States, the largest toxic residue producer in the world, is not among the signatories.

To date, the United States is the only developed country in the world that has not ratified the Basel Convention. In fact, US officials have actively worked to defeat and weaken the Basel waste export ban. The US government policies appear to be designed to promote sweeping the e-waste problem out the Asian back door. Not only has the US refused to ratify the Basel Convention and Ban, but in fact, the United States government has intentionally exempted e-waste materials, within the Resource Conservation and Recovery Act, from the minimal laws that do exist (requiring prior notification of hazardous waste shipments) to protect importing countries. When questioned, officials at the United States Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) admit that export is very much a part of the US e-waste disposal strategy and the only issue of concern for the US might be how to ensure minimal environmental standards abroad.[3]




Post-Basel International Developments

Municipal legislations
Various countries across the world have taken initiatives to tackle the problem by enacting National Legislations on monitoring and control of E-waste. Switzerland was the first country to have introduced a system to deal with e-waste in 1994. Countries like Australia, New Zealand, France, and China have also taken the clue form Switzerland and have stepped in the same direction.

The Ministerial Conference on the 3R
The Ministerial Conference on the 3R Initiative was held in Tokyo on 28-30 April 2005. During the conference, the 3R (Reduce, Reuse, Recycle) promotion in each country and the international flow of goods and materials were discussed For example, many Asian countries have faced the increasing waste generation accompanied with rapid economic growth, which involves transboundary movement of secondary materials. At the Ministerial Conference, "Japan’s Action Plan to Promote Global Zero-Waste Societies" was presented, which includes:
[1] Implementation of policy measures towards developing zero-waste policies in cooperation with various countries and institutions,
[2] Enhancement of the knowledge base and technology base to realize zero-waste societies in Asia.
Based on this Action Plan, it is significant for us researchers to support the sound 3R promotion at the domestic and international levels respectively, through the international cooperative research and accumulation of knowledge. Especially, electric and electronic waste, i.e. E-waste, is of high priority from the both viewpoints of research and policy targets.
We NIES have organized “Workshop on Material Cycles and Waste Management in Asia” annually since 2002. At the last workshop, “NIES E-waste Workshop”, held in December of 2004, we shared the current status and tasks for E-waste issues in international material cycles as well as in each country, and discussed the future tasks for the promotion of 3R of E-waste.
Proposals of the European Union as a solution for E-scrap

·         The draft WEEE Directive will phase-out the use of mercury, cadmium, hexavalent chromium and two classes of brominated flame-retardants in electronic and electrical goods by the year 2004.
·         It puts full financial responsibility on producers to set up collection, recycling and disposal systems.
·         Between 70% to 90% by weight of all collected equipment must be recycled or re-used. In the case of computers and monitors, 70% recycling must be met.
·         "Recycling" does not include incineration, so companies won’t be able to meet recycling goals by burning the waste.
·         For disposal, incineration with energy recovery is allowed for the 10% to 30% of waste remaining. However, components containing the following substances must be removed from any end of life equipment which is destined for landfill, incineration or recovery:
lead, mercury, hexavalent chromium, cadmium, PCBs, halogenated flame-retardants, radioactive substances, asbestos and beryllium.
·         Member states shall encourage producers to integrate an increasing quantity of recycled material in new products. Originally the EU stipulated that by 2004 new equipment must contain at least five percent of recycled plastic content but this provision was recently dropped because of intense industry lobbying. This is a major weakening of the directive, since on the one hand it encourages recycling but then does not stipulate recycled content in new products. Instead the revised Directive ‘encourages’ member states to set recycled content in their procurement policies.
·                     Producers must ddesign equipment that includes labels for recyclers that identify plastic types and location of all dangerous substances.
·                     Member states must collect information from producers on a yearly basis about quantities of equipment put on the market, both by numbers of units and by weight, as well as on the market saturation in the respective product sectors. This information will be transmitted to the EU Commission by 2004 and every three years after that date.
·                     Producers can undertake the treatment operation in another country, but this should not lead to shipments of WEEE to non-EU countries where no or lower treatment standards than in the EU exist. Accordingly, producers shall deliver WEEE only to those establishments which comply with the treatment and recycling requirements set out in the proposal and producers shall verify compliance through adequate certifications.


THE INDIAN SCENARIO
The situation is alarming. According to a survey by IRG Systems, South Asia, the total waste generated by obsolete or broken-down electronic and electrical equipment in India has been estimated to be 1,46,180 tons per year based on select EEE tracer items. This figure does not include WEEE imports. In December 2005, the British Environment Agency (BEA) published a report that pointed out that there were several companies exporting e-waste from the UK to India. Jim Puckett, the Coordinator of the Basel Action Network documents what he saw in China and similar unregulated recycling operations in Pakistan and India in a new report called Exporting Harm: The High Tech Trashing of Asia

The import of hazardous waste into India is actually prohibited by a 1997 Supreme Court directive, which reflects the Basel Ban. The developed world, however, finds it more convenient and also economical to export e-waste to the third world countries like India, rather than managing and incurring high environmental and economic cost. Primary investigations carried out for Basel Action Network revealed that indigenous as well as imported computer waste has lead to the emergence of a thriving market of computer waste products and processing units for material recovery in different parts of India. So trade in e-waste is camouflaged and is a thriving business in India, conducted under the pretext of obtaining reusable equipment or donations from developed nations. One basic reason for the said conundrum is the low cost of recycling of waste in India. While it costs about $20 to recycle an old computer in the United States, waste brokers sell the computer for export and make about $5 a piece, and according to Toxics Link, recycling a computer in India costs about $4. "So everyone makes money," said the Toxics Link study

The junkyards in India
End-of-life products find their way to recycling yards in countries such as India and China, where poorly-protected workers dismantle them, often by hand, in appalling conditions. About 25,000 workers are employed at scrap-yards in Delhi alone, where 10,000 to 20,000 tons of e-waste is handled every year, with computers accounting for 25 percent of it. Other e-waste scrap-yards exist in Meerut, Ferozabad, Chennai, Bangalore and Mumbai. About 80 percent of the e-waste generated in the US is exported to India, Many of India’s corporations burn e-waste such as PC monitors, PCBs, CDs, motherboards, cables, toner cartridges, light bulbs and tube-lights in the open along with garbage, releasing large amounts of mercury and lead into the atmosphere.

An apparent example can be taken of the Technologicla Capital of IndiaBangalore that is choking under the garbage of e-products. As per a study done last year by Bangalore-based NGO, Saahas, that city generates around 8,000 tons of e-waste every year. It is true that the e- waste spectrum is broad, but we see that IT companies are the single largest contributors to the growing mountains of it. This is because 30 percent of their equipment is rendered obsolete every year. Home to more than 1,200 foreign and domestic technology firms, Bangalore figures prominently in the danger list of cities faced with e-waste hazard. However Officials of the state-run pollution board have woken up to the debilitating risk. The authorities have cleared the establishment of a 120-acre e-waste disposal facility at Dobbspet, 45km from the city. The project is a cooperative effort of HAWA (Hazardous Waste Management Project), an Indo-German collaboration.





The regulatory developments in India
India signed the Basel Convention in March 1990 and ratified it in June 1992. Prior to the ratification of the Basel convention, India had enacted the Hazardous Waste (Management and Handling) Rules 1989, which not only controlled the handling, treatment, transport and disposal of hazardous waste in India but also controlled the import of hazardous wastes from any part of the world into India. But the implementation of H.W. Rules has been peripheral and incidental.

In 1995 the Research Foundation For Science, Technology And National Resource Policy, filed the Writ Petition No. 657 challenging the imports of hazardous wastes into India in violation of the Basel Convention, after Greenpeace exposed the imports of waste zinc ash containing high levels of heavy metals by Bharat Zinc Limited. Acting on the petition, the Supreme Court banned the import of hazardous wastes in the country in 1997. As observed by the Supreme Court, “We have extensively perused the record. The material on record demonstrates that proper attention was not paid by the concerned authorities in implementing H.W. Rules, 1989.”

Though India has become the favourite dumping ground for the hazardous waste? Both the H.W. Rules as well as their implementation have been found wanting. Whereas the Basel Convention bans import of 76 items, the H. W. Rules 1989 bans just 29 items.

The Rule 11 of Hazardous Waste (Management & Handling) Rules, 1989 prohibits import of hazardous waster for dumping. However, the imports of hazardous waste are allowed for the purpose of recycling/recovering and use as raw material. The import of hazardous waste is also covered under the Basel Convention on Control of Tran boundary Movement of Hazardous Waste and their Disposal. The wastes permitted for import are required to be reprocessed in an environmentally sound manner.

In the new economy, environmentalists, policy-makers and the Pollution Control Boards would have to grapple with the new phenomenon called "E-waste or electronics waste," according to K.S. Neelakantan, Director, Directorate of Environment, Chennai. The Director said the Directorate of Environment and the Tamil Nadu Pollution Control Board were seized of the matter. They had intimated the Customs department to address the issue of E-waste by imposing restrictions on dumping of these goods.

A Supreme Court Monitoring Committee (SCMC) on hazardous wastes under the Chairmanship G Thyagarajan has also been constituted to monitor matters related to e-waste and other similar problems.  .

India's hardware organization, the Manufacturers Association of Information Technology (MAIT), has persuaded the government in Delhi to set up a federal agency to handle waste disposal.

The recycling of e-waste is undertaken in an unscientific manner, impacting both health and environment.[4] Recently, the Karnataka State Pollution Control Board has given authorisation for two commercial enterprises to handle e-waste in Bangalore—e-Parisaraa and Ash Recyclers. The authorised companies get e-waste from corporates to manage the menace following the rules and regulations set down by the Pollution Board.













Conclusion and Findings

Unlike many traditional wastes, the main environmental impacts of e-waste mainly arise due to inappropriate processing, rather than inherent toxic content. Also, drawing lines between secondary goods intended for reuse and wastes is difficult. There are social benefits to secondary markets, especially computers, as they make goods available to low income people, raising standards of living. Given that unregulated processing in developing countries generates income, there is a strong economic pull driving the creation of an informal sector, which poses a challenge for enforcement of regulations.

Inadequate governance
The IT sector is taking baby-steps towards dismantling e-waste through the organised sector. Says P Parthasarathy, Managing Director of e-Parisaraa, “IT companies are bypassing [the proper procedures to deal with] their obsolete hardware products through donations and the unorganized sector. The rules, regulations and maintenance of records involved in going through organized recyclers are holding back many companies.”

Additionally, the support from the Government is not up to expectations. The draft of the policy and guidelines for e-waste management which are ready are waiting for the approval of the Government adds Parthasarathy who is also a member of the e-waste management task force.

Government has to do
·                     Make e-waste policy and legislation
·                     Encourage organised system recycling
·                     Collecting fee from manufacturers/consumers for the disposal of toxic materials
·                     Should subsidise recycling and disposal industries
·                     Incentive schemes for garbage collectors and general public for collecting and handing over e-waste
·                     Awareness programme on e-waste for school children and general public

                                            Bibliography

Books

v  Kate O’ Neill, Waste Trading among Rich Nations, The MIT Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts, (2000)

v  Parthu Dasgupta, R N Goran Moler, The Environment and Emerging Development Issues, Clarendon Press, Oxford< London (1997)

v  John R Wilcox, Louis Theodar, Engineering and Environmental Issies; A Case study approach, John Wiley & Sons, New York, (1998)

v  Yearbook of International Environmental Law (Vol 1), Gunther Hanks (ed.), Graham & Trotman, London (1990)

Websites

v  http://www.greenpeace.org

v  http://www.theage.com

v  http://www.thehindu.com

v  http://www.toxiclink.org

v  http://www.greennature.com

v  http://www.basel.int




[1] Compare Risk Reduction Monograph No 1 Lead - Background and national experience with reducing risk, OECD Paris, 1993
[2] Scand J Work Environ Health 98; Environmental impacts of cadmium, Gerrit H. Vonkeman 199
[3] Exporting Harm: the High-tech Trashing of Asia
[4] K K Shajahan, Principal Consultant, Indian Institute of Material Management, Bangalore